Thursday was not a good day to be gay.

In Sydney, the ever ridiculous NSW Labor government rejected an Upper House committee’s recommendation that same-sex couples be allowed to adopt.
Chair of the six-person bipartisan committee, Christine Robertson, said allowing gay couples to adopt would “ensure the best interests of children.”
That wasn’t enough for Community Services Minister Linda Burney, who announced the government would not be taking up the recommendation. “The government is not satisfied there is broad enough community support to justify new state legislation at this time,” she said.
The same Thursday, about a 22-odd-hour plane trip away, New Jersey’s state senate voted down a bill allowing same-sex marriage in the garden state.
Senators opposing the bill said the issue should go to a referendum (read: I’m a spineless politician who fears the wrath of my uber conservative constituents) as it eventually did in California, where it was defeated.
In a distasteful display, the bill’s opponents whooped and cheered in the gallery as the 20-14 result flashed onto a screen above the senate floor, blocking its passage to the upper house. It was as if they’d just won the Super Bowl rather than denied fellow citizens a basic civil right.
Call me impatient, but the argument that we should wait for adequate community support on equal gay rights is a farce.
Even the quickest look at your Funk & Wagnalls shows that the much vaunted majority isn’t always on the right side of history – from Nazi Germany to civil rights to White Australia, we the people have often gotten it wrong. It’s not government’s place to wait for us to catch up.
History is rarely made in referendums and nor should it be. It is far more frequently and effectively shaped by the people we elect to speak for us.
As the New Yorker reported this month, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in favor of interracial marriage in 1967 at a time when only twenty percent of Americans approved of it.
In Australia, it was not the 1967 referendum but a series of prior state and federal legislative decisions that gave Aboriginals the vote. 1967 was simply the year we confirmed that we agreed with them.
Last week, Burney and the New Jersey state senators took a coward’s way out – running from their history-making potential and illogically passing of the buck we passed them when we voted them into power.
This point was made powerfully by two state senators who rose to speak on the New Jersey senate floor before the vote on Thursday.
Democratic state senators Sandra B. Cunningham and Nia H. Gill compared the fight for gay marriage to the fight for civil rights for African Americans.
“This chamber, this legislature would not be this diverse and this encompassing of the citizens of the United States if someone had not said to my forefathers and mothers that we will fight for the right for our children to be equal participants in this society,” said Gill, an African American.
Cunningham, also African American, said she might still have been in the chamber today had those fights not taken place – not as a legislator, however, but as a janitor.
Gay activists are reluctant to draw the comparisons that Cunningham and Gill so poignantly drew last Thursday. They have rules in their activist handbooks about it, and rightly so. It’s not a good look for middle class white dudes with tailored jeans and ruffled mops to link their plight to that of 1960s civil rights fighters.
But there is a connection. Both fights are about equality, in the latest cases, the equal right to adopt children and the equal right to marry before the state.
And, in both cases, there is little driving the argument against the granting of these rights other than pure discrimination.
On adoption, both sides have their stats, but there is something uniquely ridiculous about the NSW decision, where single gay parents are allowed to adopt but partners are not.
That the government would go against the committee’s finding that same-sex adoption serves the interest of children shows those interests are not central to the government’s agenda here.
The agenda is clearly to pander to an attitude that will eventually be shown to be as arcane and discriminatory as that against interracial marriage.
The argument against same-sex marriage stands on equally shaky legs.
It’s not a religious issue – gay partners aren’t asking to be married in your local church or mosque. And if, as several opponents contend, the purpose of marriage is procreation, the furthering of the species, yadda yadda yadda – conservatives are so bloody romantic – why allow octogenarians to wed?
Nope. It’s all about the definition of a single word – marriage – and defining it by whom it excludes.
Thankfully, history is not defined by exclusion.
Its achievements are moments of inclusion, those moments when our leaders, on behalf of us, grab hold of their responsibility to lead and make decisions that are right, if not always popular.
Decisions like those that put Cunningham and Gill in the New Jersey state senate. Decisions that their constituents will one day catch up with.
Same-sex couples will adopt in NSW some day, as they will some day marry in New Jersey. You can stall progress, but you can’t stop it. Those who oppose these measures will eventually be forgotten, or, if not, remembered as the regressive forces that they were.
Thursday might have been a bad day to be gay, but it will not prove historical.
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