The last month’s political twists and turns, culminating with the Liberal Party’s extraordinary lurch to the right and populist fear-mongering on the ETS “tax on everything”, make it look increasingly like Australia may never reach a political consensus on climate change.

Adding fuel to the fire, after much of hype and high hopes Copenhagen fizzled, failing to deliver the binding international agreement which would have delivered a resounding mandate for Kevin Rudd’s proposed course of action.
Back at home, Tony Abbott’s fiery rhetoric has been starkly reminiscent of another political turning point in 2001, which involved a hapless group of refugees in a sinking boat. Just as the 2001 Tampa election hysteria was fuelled by political opportunism and the politics of fear, so too the response to climate change appears to be heading down the same path.
Back in 2001, I responded by donning a scratchy ALP t-shirt made out of poor quality fabric and joined the ranks of volunteers in a marginal seat in western Sydney. In this outpost of older, safe, middle class, superannuated voters the mood was - in a word - cranky. To pass the time, I began to ponder what the hell people were so angry about.
This was are a generation that worked hard, lived simply and within their means, saved for their future, and who had faced and coped with great challenge and change over the course of their lives. They had done it tough and had come through.
But it was also a generation that had reaped the benefits of stable jobs and a strong economy, free tertiary education for their children, affordable houses now paid off, and decades of public spending on education, health, housing welfare and pensions. A generation who didn’t need desalination plants, and who - as my dad says - “got the best of it”. Over the last few weeks I haven’t been able to help wondering what these same feisty folks think about climate change. My bet is they are cranky about it.
And I don’t think I am alone. Writer George Monbiot has drawn attention to the relationship between climate scepticism and age, noting it has taken particular hold of people in their 60s and 70s. He explains this as possibly due to older people’s sense of entitlement, technological optimism, and even ponders deeper psychological reasons like an aversion to human mortality. Meanwhile, a recent Lowy poll found that the number of people who ranked climate change as a priority had decreased in the three years to 2009 across all age groups, but less so among young people and women.
This isn’t surprising, given that what began in 2007 with enthusiastic electoral support for action on climate change now looks now like a case study in poor policy development - one made very messy by compromise and weighty compensation for business along the way.
For Rudd, things really unravelled when after an excruciating two years of policy development the Coalition withdrew its bipartisan support for the heavily compromised scheme, with the old guard in the party using it as an issue to reinforce the power of the right within their own party. Further, delays to the scheme secured by business now look a little like an own goal, given the prevailing uncertainty that hangs over any ETS.
Just about everyone has lost faith in the process, and confusion and climate scepticism is on the rise.
There hasn’t been much action in policy areas that might restore faith in political solutions to climate change. All our eggs have been in the CPRS basket and Australia hasn’t kept pace with other developed and developing countries by investing in innovation and alternative energy solutions.
For Rudd, these kind of solutions could provide a lifeline, requiring no political consensus, avoiding costly handouts to profitable polluting industries and provide some momentum to an important issue that has been allowed to stagnate into a debate over a “tax on everything.” Most importantly, they provide the opportunity to take the wind out of Abbott’s sales and calm the tempers of middle Australia.
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