Several years ago, when senior Labor strategists were considering how to market a major new policy initiative, they commissioned market research to hone their lines.

According to someone involved in the process, a central concept they wished to convey, that of ``fairness’’ or``fair’‘, failed to impress. The words ``tested like dog shit’’ an insider revealed. Respondents apparently found the idea of making something ``fairer’’ pretty meaningless because what is considered fair depends on where you stand.
This is germane right now because, as the Government struggles to defend its new 40 per cent Resource Super Profits Tax, ``fairness’‘, its chosen justification, is again failing to cut the mustard.
We hear minister after minister lamely trot out the lines: ``We want to ensure working families get a fair share’‘, or ``Australians just want a fair share from the sale of their minerals’‘. The trouble is, they don’t actually. Perhaps they should, but, increasingly, the polls show people are unmoved.
Unsurprisingly, such arguments have fallen flat. In a competition between the lofty idyll of fairness on the one hand and eminently deliverable threats by miners to close projects, withdraw capital, and slash jobs, it is no contest at all. One seems laudable, but the other, the prospect of losing your job and your home, feels all too real.
This is marketing 101 - the politics of human nature. After all, where would the insurance industry be if people had trouble visualising bad outcomes?
Another problem for the Government is that whether you like the proposed tax or not largely turns on whether you understand it. On this score, the Government virtually gave up before it started. Miners of course do understand it - at least enough to know they’ll be paying more.
But few ordinary voters are across details like its supposed symmetry in which investors get a 40 per cent sovereign guarantee on losses should projects fail. Nor is the tax’s complex interplay with existing federal company tax (payments would be deductible against profits for the purposes of the RSPT) or the fact that it rebates state-levied royalties, understood in voter land.
Just as one of Clint Eastwood’s characters used to say ``a man’s got to know his limitations,’’ the Government has shied away from using these important, if highly complex justifications. It had found its own communication ``limitations’’ in the emissions trading debacle. When Copenhagen failed and the Coalition reneged, Labor politicians found they’d not done enough to explain the rationale of their proposed scheme.
Suddenly they were vulnerable to claims that jobs and prosperity were on the line. To their shame, MPs and even ministers simply didn’t understand the ETS well enough to quickly swing into advocate mode. In a case of once bitten, twice shy, this trauma has informed the poor marketing of the RSPT. This is a mistake. Big reforms need big justifications. Imagine Paul Keating or Bob Hawke with this super profits tax.
One can only conclude that the mealy-mouthed Kevin Rudd (nothing is important if it’s not ``fundamentally’’ important) and the tram line safe Wayne Swan, simply lack the confidence of a Keating or a Hawke to switch to alternative explanations when the one they’re using is not cutting it. Where Paul Keating would have depicted the miners as squealing like stuck pigs at the prospect of paying more tax, these guys have been the ones to get cornered.
And where Hawke and Keating could use powerful imagery to ratchet up the rhetoric when needed, the adjective-heavy Kevin Rudd tries to operated at that level the whole time leaving him nowhere to go - witness the ``education revolution’’ not to mention climate change defined as the ``greatest moral challenge’’ of our times.
The attempt to explain Treasury modeling that shows the resources sector would actually expand under the tax, has been tellingly half-hearted and is now barely even uttered lest curly questions are asked. SA Independent senator Nick Xenophon was surprised when Treasury boss Ken Henry took his question on notice about the potential sectoral and regional implications of the RSPT. What modeling was done and what did it reveal, he wanted to know.
He is yet to get an answer.
Having concluded that the complexities of the RSPT were just too difficult to communicate, the Messrs Rudd and Swan opted instead for the other extreme - a Robinhood over-simplification. They haven’t even managed to make the returns from the revenue, including extra superannuation and a cut in company tax, seep into voter consciousness.
Labor backbenchers, especially those in seats reliant on mining in WA and Qld, know this debate is being lost. Word is some are furious and think the PM is now damaging the brand by botching the RSPT sales job and completely failing to defend Labor’s border protection policies. This week some of them finally spoke up in the Caucus. The minor upwelling - led off by SA’s Nick Champion to his credit - prompted the PM to muscle up and there has been a measurable lift in his aggression level since.
OK, but simple aggression won’t cut it either. It is time to change tack. It is time to get out there and start explaining this reform from scratch. More words used creatively, less mind-numbing repetition. The fairness angle should also be benched.
The Government’s argument should be that it wants a bigger cut from the colossal prices being paid for our finite resources. Simply put, the spread between extraction costs and sale prices has widened dramatically, the circumstances have changed and the owners want a bigger slice of the action. What’s wrong with that?
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