FORMAL acknowledgement of the first Australians as the original owners of the land is now de rigueur for Rudd Government ministers and MPs. It usually goes something like this: ``I would like to recognise the original owners of the land upon which we meet and acknowledge them as the oldest continuing cultures in human history.’‘

It is intended as a heart-felt gesture of respect and has been received well by all concerned. But it is now being uttered so often and in such a pro-forma way, whether it be at the start of a National Press Club address, or an opening of one event or other, it has begun to ring hollow.
Even among strong supporters of the Aboriginal cause, there is a sense that the acknowledgment, sometimes trotted out with all the emotion of an instruction to stow your tray table and put your seat-back in an upright position, is devaluing the poignancy of Mr Rudd’s historic apology to the Stolen Generations.
Not one to beat about the bush, Tony Abbott says he has had enough. Fearlessly reviving a conservative bugbear of the Keating period, he has spoken out branding it a left-wing ``genuflection to political correctness’‘. The feisty Liberal leader this week passed the 100 day mark in his ``no guts, no glory’’ push to become Australia’s 27th prime minister.
In an exclusive interview with The Punch to mark the milestone, Mr Abbott weighed in following what he viewed as a particularly ill-judged Prime Ministerial acknowledgment delivered at the AMA annual dinner the night before.
``Kevin Rudd is not an old style lefty ... but the Labor Party is full of people who are, and I guess this is the kind of genuflection to political correctness that these guys feel they have to make. Sometimes it’s appropriate to do those things, but certainly I think in many contexts, it seems like out of place tokenism, and last night at the AMA dinner, I think that’s certainly how it struck people.’‘
The comments are typical of the crash through or crash approach being adopted by the Liberal leader and go a long way to explaining his current effectiveness.
Abbott knows he has little time to get voters to sit up and listen and that he has just one shot at this.
Thus, he is gambling on the political rewards of using direct simple language outweighing the risks of offending some people. Early returns are good - amongst Liberals anyway. Mostly it is unreconstructed populism anyway - how else to explain his sudden embrace of generous paid parental leave after previously saying he would never support it? Not to mention that it is to be funded by a new tax which he promised he would not resort to just weeks before.
In comments targeted mostly at South Australian voters who go to the polls next weekend, he lashed out at Kevin Rudd’s modest progress in securing water for the Lower Murray. Capitalising on simmering resentment in the central state, he says Rudd is ``all announcement and no follow through’‘.
By contrast, he promised a referendum if up-stream states failed to refer powers. ``I would regard us as having, in a very important respect failed, if we hadn’t solved or were on the verge of solving theses issues within the first term.’’ Sound familiar? It’s an undertaking oddly reminiscent of Mr Rudd’s 2007 promised referendum for a full federal takeover of the public hospital system if the states failed to lift their game.
Abbott didn’t stop there. There was the thinly disguised suggestion that Kevin Rudd is either lazy or disorganised because he doesn’t publicly exercise - even the PM could find an hour for a quick bike ride or run - and the claim that the PM is both ``big-headed’’ and little more than a ``federal premier,’’ a ``down-market Bob Carr’‘.
There’s little doubt the Government is worried about the Abbott threat - you can tell just by how often its staffers tell you otherwise.
But there is also a now some optimism returning to their analysis. They couldn’t believe their luck when Tony Abbott announced his paid parental leave scheme viewing it as his first significant speed wobble.
Like a dot-com company that had grown too fast to have proper internal control systems, the PPL decision, spilled out on Monday without reference to either the party-room or shadow cabinet, betrayed a tendency to impulse often associated with the Abbott persona. For a bloke who deposed a former leader largely for not observing party-room sentiment, it was crazy-brave.
For the Government, it came with another benefit as well. In breaking a commitment to impose no new taxes, Abbott’s PPL announcement neutered two of the Opposition’s most telling lines of attack on the Government - ie that it has broken promises and increased taxes. Abbott somehow managed both inviting the charge his policy is ``a great big new tax on everything’‘.
The PPL policy may be superficially popular because it trumps the Government scheme in its generosity, but the decision was strategically naive. Abbott’s explanation that he made ``a leader’s call’’ was unconvincing.
Whether it will prove to be ``fatal’’ as one Government staffer concluded, remains to be seen. Unlikely you would think. But at the very least, it has shortened the leash Abbott’s colleagues have him on. Some say he was put on notice in the party-room: one more cheap trick like that and you’ll be fending off rumours and rumblings of discontent just like your predecessors.
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