Australian Soldiers are the strongest tribe in Uruzgan Province and it is this profile that wins hearts and minds in Afghanistan, not well-meaning gestures of handing out bags of money.

It is that strategic change over the last 18 months that is now paying off in Uruzgan. Afghans respond to what some may call traditional characteristics of bravery, courage, honour and revenge. They are also very polite, even though tomorrow they may kill you. If you could bring back Alexander the Great, he would say we are fighting the same people, using the same tactics they used against him 2,000 years ago.
Despite what Australia’s David Kilcullen, the architect of this new pop military version of counterinsurgency (COIN), will have you believe, this is not about a kindler gentler war. There has been a grave misrepresentation of COIN. In fact, unlike author of The Strongest Tribe former Marine Commander Bing West, who has spent endless nights bunkered down under fire with troops, I doubt whether Kilcullen would have been to very far off Route One.
Winning ‘hearts and minds’ is not about being nice, it’s about being strong. It’s convincing the population that you’re going to win. In most areas the population are still waiting to see who is the strongest. Sure, they will thank you for the medical clinic we built, but that is not a sign of enduring support for the Afghanistan Government, safely in Kabul.
COIN has become a franchised approach to war based on benevolence. Nation-building in a land without the funds or expertise to maintain what we have built once we leave. Protecting people who don’t want to be protected and forcing 21st century democracy on Pashtuns coming out of the 9th century.
The criterion of success is meant to be districts standing on their own without US rifle companies. This has never been achieved. Yet the COIN doctrine fails to cover relevant circumstances found in today’s theatre, namely a government lacking legitimacy or competence, and insurgents that enjoy external support and nearby sanctuary.
Australian soldiers understand that most local Taliban could easily be picking up an AK-47 one day and a shovel to clean a karez the next. Yet, and this is the key, our troops recognise that both actions are the direct result of who is strong enough to protect them and equally important in support of their local interests.
Neither action is part of a global jihad or to install a new government in Kabul. In fact, there are places in Afghanistan, such as the Pech Valley where they are deeply hostile to any outsiders – even if the outsiders are other Afghans. Think of walking into a bar in remote Northern Territory or Western Australia. If you are not a local, the darts would stop in mid-air. Sure you could buy them all a round of beers but it doesn’t mean they will like you and certainly doesn’t mean they will be happy if you move into the neighbourhood.
In many ways the broader commentaries have lost sight that people and ideas are the essence of not only why wars are fought, but how. Another way to look at the contest over the human terrain is to evaluate how the insurgents see our Western moral principles. They too can be a sign of weakness.
Transnational terrorists like al-Qaeda and the insurgents in Afghanistan exploit the foundations of our own mind set:
“Americans [and their allies] tend to think that deep down we all have the same values. Americans believe that all these terrorists, if you scratch beneath the surface, are looking for religious equality and justice. That’s complete and utter nonsense. American [and their allies] can’t face the reality that different people have different values.” (Ibn Warraq; Why I am Not a Muslim. 1995)
I’m not saying for one second that we should abandon our founding virtues based on freedom and liberty. However, in terms of Islamic terrorists, the perceived weakness is our moral rejection of certain methods of retaliation and our propensity to uphold international rules of war and principles of human rights.
For the insurgents, our weakness is in relation to actions that we cannot and would not contemplate using either pre-emptively or in response to an attack. Think of the outcry from certain sectors that the way Osama bin Laden was taken down.
Australian soldiers need to continue to demonstrate supreme strength in their battlespace and their mission must be to instil this resolve into each new recruit of the 4th Afghan National Army Brigade, who the Australian soldiers train.
In a twisted paradigm we need to link the negative coercive sides of war to the positive and constructive sides or war. That is, to allow military operations to achieve and construct a sustainable local solution; even if that solution is allowing the “local” not “foreign” Taliban to remain in the valleys of Afghanistan.
That is, as long as the local district Taliban leaders do not allow trans-national terrorists, such as al-Qaeda, to re-establish, then the ISAF-NATO forces will not interfere in their community
Jason Thomas worked is human terrain specialist and is a member of the Asymmetric Warfare Centre in the United States. He has worked in SE Afghanistan with US forces implementing counterinsurgency activities and worked extensively in the civil war area of Sri Lanka. He is a PhD candidate at Curtin University.
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