Given today’s national day of action being called by non-government school critics like the Australian Education Union, a recent publication on school funding by Sydney’s Centre for Independent Studies (CIS) merits close attention.

Especially as it’s not often that a free enterprise and free economy think tank like the CIS supports a cultural-left view of public policy.
Normally, one expects that while the left opposes market forces and favours increased government control, the other will advocate minimal government and freedom of choice. Not to so when it comes to debates about school funding.
In the CIS publication, School Funding, Choice and Equity by Jennifer Buckingham, a number of arguments and comments are put that appear to support those critical of non-government schools and their right to receive public funds.
That the CIS publication has been well received by those hostile to school choice is best illustrated by an essay on the Save Our Schools website written by Dr Ian Morgan.
While not fully endorsing the monograph, Morgan begins his essay by congratulating Buckingham for accepting that equity should be the main driver in funding debates and for agreeing with critics when she writes, “it is difficult to justify providing extra public funds to already well-resourced students and schools”.
Echoing Mark Latham’s hit-list of so-called wealthy, privileged schools taken to the 2004 federal election, Buckingham’s statement suggests that non-government schools that are successful and effective in raising funds at the local level should be discriminated against.
Ignored is that the current socioeconomic status (SES) model is already based on need and that wealthier non-government schools are only entitled to a fraction of the cost to government of educating a student in a state school (13.7 per cent of what is known as the Average Government School Recurrent Costs).
Instead of being financially penalised, a strong case can be put that as all parents pay taxes and education is a basic entitlement in any civilised society, then regardless of the type of school attended, all children are entitled to some level of taxpayer support.
By focusing on equity and suggesting that educational disadvantage associated with low socioeconomic status is the main reason students underperform Buckingham, albeit unwittingly, once again gives solace to non-government school critics.
If, as critics argue, socioeconomic status is the main reason why some students do well and others under-perform, then as government schools typically enrol more low SES students, they deserve priority funding.
Ignored is the research both here and overseas that SES is only one of the factors determining success or otherwise and that other factors such as student motivation, strong expectations, classroom discipline, effective teachers and a rigorous curriculum are equally important.
A further example illustrating the point that the CIS monograph gives comfort to non-government school critics is Buckingham’s belief that any new system must involve a universal funding system “in which all schools are allocated their funding from one funding body or source”.
Under the current SES model there are a range of different funding mechanisms involving the various states and territories and types of schools, such as systemic Catholic schools, deciding how funds are allocated. If the process is centralised and given to one authority then schools and those closest to schools will lose the flexibility and freedom they currently have to ensure the best outcomes for students.
One of the most common attacks on religious schools is that it is wrong to allow them to discriminate in relation to who they enrol and who they employ. Current anti-discrimination laws allow religious schools to manage their schools according to the dictates of the faith.
It’s here that the CIS paper, once again, adopts a stance more generally associated with non-government school critics. Instead of agreeing that faith-based schools in areas like sexuality and marriage have the right to act according to religious dictates, Buckingham argues that such schools must conform to the demands of a secular society.
She writes: “However, as civic institutions operating within a society, schools should follow the civic rules and values of that society. Apart from a moral case, if it is against the law for other civic institutions to discriminate on the basis of pregnancy or sexuality, schools should not be exempt”.
That the CIS monograph is being construed by non-government school critics like Morgan as supporting the case against school choice should not disguise the fact that Buckingham does make a number of substantial points in favour of non-government schools being properly funded.
The problem is that such arguments are weakened by an often contradictory approach that seeks to offer a balanced an impartial debate that muddies the issues and fails to provide a clear and forceful defence of school choice.
Dr Kevin Donnelly is Director of Melbourne-based Education Standards Institute and author of Australia’s Education Revolution (Connor Court Publishing). The CIS publication can be found at: http://www.cis.org.au/images/stories/issue-analysis/ia126.pdf
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